Violence against women

The number of refugees in Lebanon has now reached 25 per cent of the total population. 78 per cent of the ever-increasing number are Syrian refugees, who currently number around 824,000, are women and children. 79,000 refugees coming from Syria are still awaiting registration at the borders. According to a recent report from Human Rights Watch (HRW), the most vulnerable are “disproportionately affected by Sexual and Gender-based Violence (SGBV)”. A growing attitude amongst female refugees to return to the war-torn country they only just fled has been detected, as rape and sexual harassment has made life in Lebanon unbearable. (Beirut, 4rd Dec, 2013)

وثائقيات حقوق الإنسان

نشرت منظمة العمل الدولية على موقعها الرسمي تقريرا صحفيا حول ممارسة تحرش تقع في مصانع في الأردن، ضحايا عاملات أسيويات.

جانبا من التقرير استعرض، رؤية الناشطة أردنية تدعى “رانيا شانتي” التي تساعد منظمة العمل الدولية على مكافحة التحرش الجنسي في مصانع الملابس في الأردن، من خلال مشروع عمل أفضل (الأردن).

لم تجد فتيات الإسكندرية لمواجهة استمرار ظاهرة التحرش الجنسى، وتصاعد وتيرتها فى الشوارع والطرقات، سوى تعلم الألعاب الرياضية العنيفة. حملة «إنتى أقوى» هى أحدث حملات فتيات الإسكندرية لمواجهة التحرش بهن، والتى ابتكرتها مجموعة من الناشطات السياسيات والحقوقيات، وغيرهن من بنات الجامعات وغير المنتميات إلى أى تنظيمات، بهدف مواجهة التحرش عن طريق تدريب الفتيات على تقنيات الدفاع عن النفس ضد محاولات التحرش، والدعم النفسى للضحايا وتهيئتهن بعد التحرش، والدعم القانونى عن طريق تعريف ضحايا التحرش بحقهن القانونى، وكيفية اتخاذ الإجراءات لتحرير محاضر.

Despite national laws and international commitments, child marriage remains a real threat for many in Pakistan. According to the Pakistan Demographic and Household Survey (PDHS 2006-7), 13 percent of girls in the country are married by the time they are 15 and 40 percent by 18 years. 18% of Pakistani women have had their first birth by age 18; 9% have begun child bearing between 15-19 years and 7% are already mothers in those ages leading to one of the highest infant mortality rates in South Asia (PDHS 2006-7).

ذكرت صحيفة "الحياة" السعودية، أن قانون الأحوال الشخصية المنتظر عرضه على مجلس الشورى السعودي قريباً، يمنع تزويج الفتاة القاصر، إلا بأمر قضائي، كما يحدد سن البلوغ لدى الجنسين بـ 18 عاماً، ويعطي المرأة الحق في اشتراط الطلاق في عقد النكاح في حال تزوج الرجل بثانية.

File 2158

JOHANNESBURG, 11 December 2013 (IRIN) - Nomsa*, 20, was on her way to register at a university outside Pretoria, South Africa, with four friends when the men grabbed her. "I was fighting with them," she said. They dragged her into a building, where the five of them took turns to rape her. The friends ran away and did not come back to look for her. The men took Nomsa's mobile phone.

File 2152

In 2012, a two-part study on the state of forced marriage was undertaken by Women Living Under Muslim Laws (WLUML) for its program on culturally-justified violence against women, supported by the Women’s Empowerment and Leadership Development for Democratisation (WELDD) consortium. This report is the documentation of that study and was subsequently revised as WLUML’s submission to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) for its report on preventing and eliminating child, early and forced marriage.

تخيلي أن بلدك الحبيب الذي عشقت نيله وارتويت من مائه هو أسوأ مكان بالعالم العربي يمكن أن تعيش فيه المرأة‏..‏ هذا ليس كلامنا بل هو نتيجة الدراسة التي نشرتها رويترز إحدي أكبر وكالات الأنباء وأكثرها دقة في العالم‏..‏ لم نصدقها وتم تكذيبها‏,‏ قالت الدراسة إن مصر فيها حاجة اسمها العنف‏...‏ تصوروا‏!!‏ الدراسة اعتبرت إن اللي بيحصل للفتاة والمرأة المصرية دا ممكن نسميه عنف مع أنها أمور عادية بتحصل في العالم كله‏!!..‏ فما الداعي لمناقشة وترديد هذا الكلام؟

بعد الضجيج الذي ثار في الهند هذا العام، حول الاغتصاب، في أعقاب اغتصاب فتاة جامعية، في حادث أودى بحياتها، يثور الآن جدل حول انتشار التحرش الجنسي في أماكن العمل، وخصوصاً بعد توجيه اتهامات إلى قاضٍ في المحكمة العليا .

Radhika Nair

She was 34. Born the year that I was. I knew what it meant to be that age, for a woman living in a city and pursuing a career and vibrant social life. One juggled deadlines at work and invitations to wine and cheese soirees, the struggle with self doubts and body image was giving way to a strange but unsettling peace and irreverence, making me wonder if it was the signs of menopause. But I couldn't possible imagine or know what Manorama's life was like. And yet, the news of her passing and the manner in which she was brutally murdered by security forces set me thinking and reading into the life and times of women caught in the web of militarism and violence. 

The year was 2004. Thangjam Manorama had been found dead in a field, her body ridden with six bullets including one in the genitals. The forensic report found semen stains on her skirt, suggesting that she may have been raped before she died. She was pronounced a separatist leader who specialised in improvised explosive devices and security forces claimed that she was responsible for several bomb blasts by the People's Liberation Army of Manipur, a revolutionary group that was trained by some of India's neighbours and was fighting for an independent socialist state of Manipur. Her family claimed that she was a peaceful activist, though many journalists privately agreed that she did belong to an underground outfit. She was picked up from her home, without an arrest warrant and was tortured and brutalised before being killed in cold blood. Even if Manorama was guilty, she deserved a process of interrogation, court proceedings and then a jail term. Not a brutal death at the hands of uncouth men in uniform. Her death remains shrouded in controversy even today, with security forces refusing to adhere to norms, refusing to attend court hearings and taking cover under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act which insulates them from the mandate of ordinary law. 

لَقِّم المحتوى