It is commonly assumed that Muslim women are frustrated in their pursuit of property rights because those rights are limited under the Islamic legal system, they lack agency in the face of oppressive family and social structures and have an absence of conviction in their articulation of gender rights.
As Libya transitions out of the 42-year autocratic rule of the Muammar Qaddafi regime, an urgent theme has emerged: the need to safeguard women’s participation as Libya codifies human rights in national legislation and establishes government institutions and services.
Major decisions are being made that will impact Libya’s future as a democratic State. For instance, women are actively seeking participation in the drafting process of the new constitution and in the formation of government policies across all sectors to advance their concerns. Currently, there is no provision for gender parity or the inclusion of women in the 60-member Constitutional Committee being formed. This omission is concerning, as a gender parity provision was included in the 2012 electoral law.
Following the revolution, many women and girls had restrictions imposed on their movement by family, due in part to growing concerns regarding the security of women and girls throughout the country. These restrictions are tightening as stories of violence against women circulate and uncertainty of centralized authority for the military and police continues to exist. As a result, women and girls are often confined to their homes, especially in the evenings.
1. Many countries are witnessing a significantly disproportionate rate of increase of women being incarcerated, compared to their male counterparts. Globally, women and girls constitute a minority of the prison population as a whole, and it is estimated that they represent between 2 and 9 per cent of the total population. Throughout the world, women prisoners face similar human rights violations
relating to the causes that led to their imprisonment, the conditions they face in prison and the consequences of their incarceration.
Four years since the end of the armed conflict, the situation of minority women in the north and east of Sri Lanka has changed dramatically – and for many it is getting worse. In the latter stages of the conflict and its aftermath, military forces were responsible for a variety of human rights abuses against the civilian population, including extrajudicial killings, disappearance, rape, sexual harassment and other violations. In the current climate of impunity, sustained by insecurity and the lack of military accountability, these abuses continue.
This volume looks back at a wealth of women’s peacebuilding practice documented by Accord since 1998. Case studies from Cambodia, Sierra Leone, northern Uganda, Papua New Guinea–Bougainville, Northern Ireland, Angola, Sudan, Indonesia–Aceh and Somalia (presented in the chronological order in which the original Accord issues were published) shed light on what women peacebuilders have done to overcome conflict and the challenges they encountered. The cases reflect women’s practice in particular contexts yet also provide general insights for peacebuilding practitioners and policymakers – insights into what women peacebuilders can achieve and how they can be effectively supported in their efforts.
83. Several respondents found that some traditional values were closely related to human dignity and human rights, provided the basis and background of universal rights, and supported their promotion and protection. Examples were provided as best practices in the application of traditional values while promoting and protecting human rights and upholding human dignity by both States and other stakeholders.
84. Some respondents were of the view that traditional values could be invoked to justify the status quo and undermine the rights of the most marginalized and disadvantaged groups. They noted that traditional values were at times misused to justify human rights violations especially with regard to freedom of belief, women’s rights, sexual orientation and gender identity. It was underlined by many that traditional values could never be used to justify violations of universal human rights or as a basis for discrimination in any form.
This bibliography intends to contribute to the desire for learning and engagement identified by activists in the Middle East and North Africa region when reflecting on the aftermath of fast unfolding transitions in the region. Such transitions, while specific to the context of MENA, are not unique in their occurrences around the world. Experiences and practices of feminists from around the world engaged in similar, even if not identical, struggles towards the democratization of their countries with a gendered lens and a feminist politics constitute an important knowledge bank that activists can draw upon, learn from, and engage with. This resource mapping aims to fill the gap realized in various convenings and conversations of a lack of information sharing and knowledge bridging among feminists across the regions that experienced similar uprisings; particularly along south-south and east-south lines.