International

In Part (c) Corporal punishment, point 40, the document states with regards to stoning: “Between 2004 and 2007 the Special Rapporteur sent 13 joint communicationsconcerning 21 women sentenced to death by stoning and 2 sentenced to flogging under sharialaw.

In this article, the author argues that it is mostly societal traditions and customs that drive people to resort to ‘crimes of honour’ – which she describes as “shameful, irreligious acts”. She states that in Islam it is a sin to take people's lives in one's own hands. Crimes of honor are therefore social in the full sense of the word. Perpetrators see it as 'social cleansing of shame', and seeking the community's approval. The author uses the example of Jordan, one of the countries that has the highest rate of such crimes, to argue her point.

The Muslim Women’s League argues that the notion of ‘honour killing’ is justified by a distorted and erroneous interpretation of religion, especially Islam. They state that theproblem of ‘honour killings’ is not a problem of morality or of ensuring that women maintain their own personal virtue; rather, it is a problem of domination, power and hatred of women who, in these instances, are viewed as nothing more than servants to the family, both physically and symbolically.

The Muslim Women’s League argues that the circumcision of girls, in any form, predated Islam by many centuries. It was practiced in some parts of Arabia at the time of the Prophet Muhammad and was evidently a custom of the time that may have been a practice of some but not all of the local tribes. As a pre-established tradition, therefore, female circumcision was not introduced by the Prophet to the early Muslim community.

This brief paper is an effort to expose how patriarchal and distorted interpretations of Sharia have been used to subjugate women and rob them of their fundamental rights, in direct opposition to the central teachings of Islam. In this paper, the Muslim Public Affairs Council presents three case studies involving abuses of Muslim women worldwide in the name of Islam. These cases have been widely reported and have been used as precedence for exploitative laws against women throughout the Muslim world.

This book contains the contributions of participants at a seminar, organised by the Consulate General of Sweden in Istanbul, and titled ‘International Seminar on Violence in the Name of Honour’ (4-6 December 2003). The first section of the book – ‘Theoretical Explorations of Honour Killings’ – methodologically and theoretically examines honour violence, including considering prevention, short and long term intervention, post-colonial contexts and the need for contextualisation.

Beginning with a discussion of the Swedish case of Fadime Sahindal, this article then deliberates over honour killings of Kurdish women in general. The author includes the concepts of culture, patriarchy, nationalism, racism, education and religion in her analysis of the phenomenon of ‘honour killing’ of Kudish women and of how this phenomenon is approached and analysed by different parties.

This paper seeks to distinguish culture as it is lived and practised in its fluid and contradictory forms from cultural identity projects that construct it in homogenous and static terms. Cultural projects hide issues of domination, othering and identities both within and amongst cultural groupings – complexities that must be revealed rather than concealed. By positing culture as hostile to women’s equality, cultural identity projects create a binary that simplifies and conceals complex issues of politics, power and representation.

This book investigates the complex relationship that women’s organisations working around violence have with the state, and the strategies and tactics the movements in Sweden and the UK have adopted. It considers the successes the movements have had in terms of service provision and policy change, as well as the compromises they have had to make and costs they have had to suffer. Chapter 1 provides an introduction to second wave feminism and violence against women.

The central question in this article is: how should a democratic constitutional state deal with 'honour killings'? The authors discuss two alternative perspectives for interpreting the phenomenon, a cultural and a structural one. Next, the authors discuss how these perspectives, or dimensions of honour killing, should be reflected in how the democratic state deals with this phenomenon as a matter of justice. The authors argue that honour killing is not the inevitable consequence of loss of honour, even in the cultural frame of reference of the immigrant group.

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