Ces assemblées comportent, entres autres, des rituels complexes de “nazr” (ou voeux), des réunions au cours des deux moins saints de ramzan et moharam, des cours normaux de Coran ainsi que des cérémonies commémoratives. Ces assemblées sont organisées sous l’initiative de personnes privées, la plupart du temps dans des domiciles ou dans des bâtiments religieux publics, l’animateur central étant une Femme prédicatrice qui dirige les activités.
Les faits sont plus ou moins connus : il est légalement interdit aux femmes de gouverner, d'agir en tant que juges et d'occuper des postes de direction en politique ; il leur est interdit de participer à de nombreuses activités sociales et économiques ; on leur interdit ou on les décourage d'occuper de nombreuses fonctions.
La politique cachée du relativisme culturel
Note de l'éditrice

Les femmes émigrées en Europe et en Amérique du Nord ont commencé à dénoncer depuis longtemps la mollesse dangereuse dont font preuve les pays hôtes en tolérant et en encourageant des lois, des coutumes et des pratiques oppressives importées de nos pays et de nos cultures - au nom de la tolérance, du respect de l'autre, du droit à la différence, de la parité de cultures ou de religions différentes, etc...
Bad Jens aims to improve links between activists/academics inside and outside the country.
The paper thus outlines the social and political conditions that have led not only to the development of secular feminist perspectives in Iran, but to the emergence of woman-centred Islamists and their strategies which aim, thus far with considerable success, to fundamentally challenge conventional gender visions often presented as "Islamic." This analysis of the gender debates in Iran, and by extension elsewhere in the Muslim world, reiterates that Islam, particularly as a political ideology, is far from static and unchanging; it is a dynamic and evolving ideological force that
Although all countries are unique, Iran may have claim to more surprising political changes in the past century than any other country existing continuously during that period. Among these changes have been notable alterations in women’s roles and status. The birth of urban mass politics during the constitutional revolution of 1906-11 saw women’s first political activism, which continued after World War 1, though that independence was eventually much diminished under the new Pahlavi dynasty of Reza Shah (1921-41) (Afary, 1996; Bayat, 1978; Paidar, 1995; Sanasarian, 1982).
February 11, 1979
Ayatollah Khomeini and his followers take power after a revolution.

February 26, 1979

Khomeini announces that the Family Protection Law (1967) is abrogated.

March 3, 1979

Khomeini announces that women cannot be judges.

March 6, 1979

Khomeini announces that women are to wear hejab in the workplace.
This essay draws on several talks and conversations: Brandeis University, 17 March 1998; Harvard University, 19 November 1998; and American Association of Religion, 23 November 1999. 1 would like to thank the organizers of each event for giving me the opportunity to present these ideas, and other panel participants and the audience for critical comments. Special thanks to Camron Amin, Janet Jakobsen, Irena Klepfisz, and Ann Pellegrini for many thoughtful conversations.
The implementation of the Shari’a and the institutionalization of gender inequality in the aftermath of the revolution led to the disillusionment of the gender-sensitive Islamist women and triggered their discontent. Through their involvement in politics they attempted to present a different reading of Islam and Islamic laws which would be more attentive to the condition of women.
Women’s issues are now an integral part of modern Islamic discourses, as evidenced in the plethora of ‘Women in Islam’ titles in religious publishing projects all over the Muslim world.[1] In practice, this has entailed re-readings of the old texts in search of solutions - or more precisely, Islamic alternatives - for a very modern problem, which has to do with the changed status of women and the need to accommodate their aspirations for equality and to define and control their increasing participation in t
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